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Building a Counter-Academy: How the American Right Has Launched (and Captured) Colleges to Contest “Liberal Ideology” 7 min read
Building a Counter-Academy: How the American Right Has Launched (and Captured) Colleges to Contest “Liberal Ideology” Post image
Systems

Building a Counter-Academy: How the American Right Has Launched (and Captured) Colleges to Contest “Liberal Ideology”

For decades, conservative activists, donors, lawmakers, and media figures have argued that U.S. higher education tilts left. In the 2010s–2020s, that critique hardened into an explicit strategy: create new institutions, stand up “centers” and “schools” inside public universities and ...

By Lena Marlowe Quinn

For decades, conservative activists, donors, lawmakers, and media figures have argued that U.S. higher education tilts left. In the 2010s–2020s, that critique hardened into an explicit strategy: create new institutions, stand up “centers” and “schools” inside public universities, and in some cases, remake existing campuses—all marketed as restoring “intellectual diversity,” “Western civilization,” or “civics.” Below is a reported map of that build-out, followed by solutions that could reduce partisan capture from any side.


The landscape at a glance

  • Overhauls of public institutions by political appointees. Florida’s New College of Florida is the most dramatic case, where Gov. Ron DeSantis installed new trustees (including activist strategists) to pivot the school toward a Hillsdale-style “classical” model and to scrap programs like Gender Studies. (Florida Governor's OfficeVanity FairAP NewsInside Higher Ed)
  • New “civics” or “classical” schools inside flagships. Florida, Texas, North Carolina, Arizona, and Tennessee have all created or expanded such units via boards or legislatures—often with explicit conservative backers and talking points. Examples include UF’s Hamilton CenterUT-Austin’s Civitas/School of Civic LeadershipUNC’s School of Civic Life and Leadership (SCiLL)ASU’s School of Civic & Economic Thought and Leadership, and UT-Knoxville’s Institute of American Civics. (University of Florida NewsInside Higher EdHouston ChronicleAxiosBoard of Trusteesscetl.asu.eduArizona Capitol TimesTennessee General Assembly)
  • Private start-ups pitched as “anti-woke” alternatives. University of Austin (UATX) launched with a cast of high-profile anti-“woke” writers and investors; Ralston College tapped Jordan Peterson as chancellor; Thales College markets a no-accreditation, low-cost classical model. (University of Austinblog.joelonsdale.comWikipediaralston.acthalescollege.org)
  • Long-standing conservative colleges as models and partners. Hillsdale College (which rejects federal funds) is repeatedly cited by policymakers as a template; Patrick Henry College was built to pipeline devout, conservative graduates into public life. (The New YorkerTampa Bay TimesWikipediaPatrick Henry College)
  • Donor-driven rebrands and centers. George Mason University renamed its law school for Justice Scalia after a $30M gift tied to the Koch network; CU Boulder’s Benson Center hosts a “Visiting Scholar in Conservative Thought,” drawing controversy around figures like John Eastman. (TIMEInside Higher EdUniversity of Colorado Boulder)

Institutions created or politically remade (with who spearheaded them)

This is a reported—but not exhaustive—inventory of institutions founded or reshaped explicitly to counter a perceived liberal tilt. “Spearheaded by” names the key political leaders, donors, trustees or founders who drove the effort.
Institution (state)TypeYear started / pivotedWho spearheaded itWhat it set out to doSources
New College of Florida (FL)Public college, board takeover2023–Gov. Ron DeSantis; trustees incl. Christopher Rufo, Charles Kesler, Matthew Spalding, Mark BauerleinRemake NCF into a Hillsdale-style “classical” college; removed DEI office; ended Gender Studies major; installed Richard Corcoran as president.(Florida Governor's Office, Wikipedia, Vanity Fair, AP News)
Hamilton Center/School at UF (FL)New center/school inside flagship2022–Florida Legislature + UF Board; later led by William Inboden“Great Books/Western civ”–style instruction and research; created by statute.(University of Florida News, Inside Higher Ed)
Adam Smith Center (FIU, FL)New university center2020–Gov. DeSantis + Florida Legislature; director Carlos Díaz-RosilloFree-markets/economic freedom center with hiring powers and state funding.(freedom.fiu.edu, FIU News, Miami Herald)
UT-Austin Civitas → School of Civic Leadership (TX)New school housing Civitas Institute2022–2023Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick, Gov. Greg Abbott, UT regents; donors noted by Texas press (e.g., Robert Rowling, Harlan Crow)Embed “intellectual diversity,” limited government & free-market focus; received state/system funds; expanded with $100M for a permanent home (2025).(Inside Higher Ed, Houston Chronicle, Axios, The Austin Chronicle, The Texas Tribune)
UNC-Chapel Hill School of Civic Life & Leadership (NC)New school inside flagship2023–UNC Board of Trustees; resolution introduced by chair David BoliekBuild a civics/“viewpoint diversity” program; pushed by trustees, outside normal faculty governance process.(Board of Trustees, The News & Observer)
ASU School of Civic & Economic Thought and Leadership (AZ)New school2017–Arizona Legislature; ASU leadershipGreat-books/civics curriculum; part of AZ-funded “freedom schools.”(scetl.asu.edu, azcir.org)
UA (Arizona) Center for the Philosophy of Freedom & PEMS Dept.Center + new dept within public U.2010s (dept 2017)Center leaders (e.g., David Schmidtz); major donors incl. Charles Koch Foundation, Thomas W. Smith Foundation; backed by AZ LegislatureLibertarian-leaning political philosophy & PPE; sustained scrutiny over donor influence on hiring.(azcir.org, The Daily Wildcat, The Baffler, Faculty Governance)
UT-Knoxville Institute of American Civics (TN)New institute in public U.2022–Gov. Bill Lee; TN General Assembly (SB 2410)State-created civics institute inside the Baker School; courses, programs, K-12 outreach.(Tennessee General Assembly, Baker School)
University of Austin (UATX) (TX)New private university startup2021–Pano Kanelos, Joe Lonsdale, Bari Weiss, Niall Ferguson & othersMarketed as anti-“illiberalism,” pro-free inquiry alternative to “captured” universities.(University of Austin, blog.joelonsdale.com)
Ralston College (GA)New private collegeInc. 2010; launched 2022–Stephen Blackwood; Jordan Peterson(chancellor)Classical, “free-speech” brand with prominent right-leaning board of visitors; launched MA program.(Wikipedia, ralston.ac)
Thales College (NC)New private college2019–2022Robert (Bob) LuddyLow-cost, classical model; has publicly touted refusing accreditation and federal aid.(thalescollege.org)
Patrick Henry College (VA)Private college (2000)2000–Michael Farris (HSLDA founder)Train conservative Christian leaders; pipeline to politics and DC internships.(Patrick Henry College)
Hillsdale College (MI)Long-standing private model leveraged by policymakers1844; modern role escalates 2010s–Hillsdale leadership; allied GOP governors/boards cite it as the modelRejects all federal/state funds; “classical” civics; consulted in public efforts (e.g., FL & TN rhetoric).(Hillsdale College, The New Yorker, Tampa Bay Times)
GMU Antonin Scalia Law School (VA)Rebrand + donor-driven expansion2016–Charles Koch Foundation + anonymous donor ($30M); GMU leadershipRenaming tied to large gifts; prior donor agreements gave Koch role in faculty hiring (since revised).(TIME, Inside Higher Ed)
CU-Boulder Bruce D. Benson Center (CO)Donor-funded center2004→2019 renameBruce Benson; private donors; CU regentsHosts “Conservative Thought & Policy” visiting scholars; center positions itself as a counterweight on a liberal campus.(University of Colorado Boulder)

What the playbook looks like

  1. Leverage governance and law. Appoint sympathetic trustees, write enabling statutes, and appropriate funds to create “civics/classical” units—sometimes outside normal faculty governance. (Florida, Texas, North Carolina, Tennessee, Arizona). (Florida Governor's OfficeUniversity of Florida NewsInside Higher EdBoard of TrusteesTennessee General Assembly)
  2. Narrative: “intellectual diversity” and “Western civilization.” Centers promise robust debate but are often championed by the same network of activists, think tanks, and donors who brand mainstream campuses as “uniform.” (Inside Higher EdAmerican Enterprise Institute)
  3. Model institutions. Hillsdale and Patrick Henry provide philosophical and fundraising blueprints (e.g., refusing federal funds, building Great Books cores, cultivating political pipelines). Policymakers explicitly cite them as templates. (The New YorkerTampa Bay Times)
  4. New privates with culture-war branding. UATX, Ralston, Thales market themselves as havens from “illiberal” or “woke” campuses—often backed by media personalities and tech/finance donors. (University of Austinralston.acthalescollege.org)
  5. Donor leverage. From the Scalia Law renaming to Arizona’s Freedom Center, big gifts sometimes came with attempted say over hiring or programming, which has triggered transparency reforms. (Inside Higher Edazcir.org)

Why it matters

  • Academic freedom & governance. Board- or legislature-driven creations—especially when launched outside faculty channels—risk subordinating curriculum and hiring to partisan priorities. The New College case shows how quickly programs, presidents, and tenure decisions can be reversed by political boards. (Vanity FairAP News)
  • Public trust. Proponents say these efforts increase viewpoint diversity; critics see state-sponsored ideologysubstituting one orthodoxy for another. Either way, the speed and style of the changes have intensified polarization on campus. (Inside Higher Ed)

Solutions (to de-politicize higher ed from any direction)

  1. Sunshine on money & MOUs. Require public posting of all donor agreements and center charters for public institutions; prohibit clauses giving donors a say in hiring, curriculum, or governance. (GMU’s 2018 revelations show why transparency matters.) (Inside Higher Ed)
  2. Faculty governance guardrails. Write into state law and board policy that any new school/center must pass faculty curriculum committees, with public votes and timelines—before regents act. UNC’s SCiLL saga underscores the need. (Board of Trustees)
  3. Balanced oversight commissions. Create independent, bipartisan state panels (with faculty, students, employers, and accreditors) to review major structural changes at public universities for academic integrity, not ideology.
  4. Accreditor checks. Direct accreditors to audit political interference risks (e.g., trustee micromanagement, hiring vetoes) just as they audit financial controls.
  5. Pluralism with parity. If legislatures fund “civics/classical” schools, require pluralist staffing and programming by statute (e.g., rotating endowed chairs representing distinct schools of thought; transparent hiring rubrics).
  6. Student and parent tools. Mandate syllabus and speaker-funding disclosure, so students can see who pays and decide for themselves.
  7. Diversify the pipeline. Encourage multiple models of new colleges—religious, secular, civic-tech, labor studies—tethered to strong academic standards and governance, rather than one party’s canon.

Method note

This inventory focuses on explicitly right-aligned creations or political remakes since ~2000, plus older model institutions repeatedly invoked by current policymakers. It excludes ordinary endowed centers and most faith-based colleges unless they’re prominent in the current “counter-academy” strategy.


References (selected)


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